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By Jimmy Carter

The world’s discrimination and violence opposed to girls and women is the main severe, pervasive, and overlooked violation of uncomplicated human rights: this can be President Jimmy Carter’s name to action.

President Carter was once inspired to jot down this e-book through a large coalition of leaders of all faiths. His pressing record covers a process of discrimination that extends to each kingdom. girls are disadvantaged of equivalent chance in wealthier countries and “owned” through males in others, compelled to endure servitude, baby marriage, and genital slicing. the main weak, besides their childrens, are trapped in battle and violence.

A name to motion addresses the agony inflicted upon girls by means of a fake interpretation of rigorously chosen non secular texts and a starting to be tolerance of violence and conflict. Key verses are frequently passed over or quoted out of context via male spiritual leaders to exalt the prestige of guys and exclude girls. And in international locations that settle for or maybe glorify violence, this perceived inequality turns into the root for abuse. President Carter and his spouse, Rosalynn, have visited one hundred forty five nations, and The Carter heart has had energetic tasks in additional than 1/2 them. all over the world, they've got visible inequality emerging quickly with each one passing decade. this is often precise in either wealthy and bad nations, and one of the voters inside of them.

Carter attracts upon his personal reports and the testimony of brave ladies from all areas and all significant religions to illustrate that ladies world wide, greater than 1/2 all humans, are being denied equivalent rights. this can be an educated and passionate cost a couple of devastating impact on monetary prosperity and unconscionable human soreness. It impacts us all.

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Additional resources for A Call to Action: Women, Religion, Violence, and Power

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165–6; A. H. Birch (1971), Representation (Basingstoke: Macmillan), pp. 15–16; Rao, ‘Representation in Local Politics’, pp. 29, 31. 43. R. J. Pennock (1968), ‘Political Representation’, in J. R. Pennock and J. W. Chapman (eds), Representation (New York: Atherton Press), p. 24. 44. Phillips, ‘Democracy and Representation’, pp. 235–6; Phillips, The Politics of Presence, pp. ’, pp. 644–6; D. Beetham (1992), ‘The Plant Report and the Theory of Political Representation’, Political Quarterly, 63, 4; A.

Squires (1999), Gender in Political Theory (Cambridge: Polity Press), p. 215. 16. Reingold, Representing Women, p. 49; Fiona Mackay, private correspondence. 17. F. Mackay (2001), Love and Politics (London: Continuum), p. 10. Essentialism refers to any account that ‘theorises women as a category with a set of essential attributes’ (I. M. Young [1990], Throwing Like a Girl [Bloomington and Indianapolis, IN: Indiana University Press], p. 87). 18. J. ’, Journal of Politics, 6, 3: 629. 19. Reingold, Representing Women; D.

14. M. Sawer (2002), ‘The Representation of Women in Australia’, Parliamentary Affairs 55, 1: 5. 15. B. Reingold (2000), Representing Women (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press), pp. 45, 49; J. Squires (1999), Gender in Political Theory (Cambridge: Polity Press), p. 215. 16. Reingold, Representing Women, p. 49; Fiona Mackay, private correspondence. 17. F. Mackay (2001), Love and Politics (London: Continuum), p. 10. Essentialism refers to any account that ‘theorises women as a category with a set of essential attributes’ (I.

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