During the last thirty years, when Japan has produced a various set of adlescent cultures that have had an immense influence on pop culture around the globe, it has additionally constructed a succession of adlescent difficulties that have ended in significant issues in the state itself. Drawing on specific empirical fieldwork, the authors of this quantity set those matters in a basically articulated ‘social constructionist’ framework, and placed forth a sociology of jap formative years difficulties which argues that there's a definite predictability in regards to the means during which those difficulties are found, outlined and dealt with.
The chapters comprise case stories masking concerns such as:
• Returnee young ones (kikokushijo)
• Compensated courting (enjo kōsai)
• Corporal punishment (taibatsu)
• Bullying (ijime)
• baby abuse (jidō gyakutai)
• The withdrawn early life (hikikomori) and
• NEETs (not in schooling, employment or training)
By analyzing those quite a few social difficulties jointly, A Sociology of eastern formative years explains why specific adolescence difficulties seemed after they did and what classes they could supply for the examine of adlescent difficulties in different societies.
This publication should be of big curiosity to scholars and students of jap society and tradition, the sociology of Japan, jap anthropology and the comparative sociology of sweet sixteen studies.
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Additional resources for A Sociology of Japanese Youth: From Returnees to NEETs (Nissan Institute/Routledge Japanese Studies)
Not all these propositions are equally important to each of the youth problems we examine, but they are always present in some form. We intentionally focus here more on relatively brief episodes surrounding the production of youth problems – what might be called ‘the synchronic dimension’ – while acknowledging historical continuities. The final chapter of this volume considers in more depth the importance of studying youth issues in a diachronic fashion. While it is Japanese society that has provided the primary context in which the propositions below have been developed and tested, we believe that they are highly relevant to understanding the nature of youth problems in virtually any advanced society.
1993) Representations of Youth: The Study of Youth and Adolescence in Britain and America. Cambridge: Policy Press. Hilgartner, S. and Bosk, C. (1988) ‘The Rise and Fall of Social Problems: A Public Arenas Model’, The American Journal of Sociology, 94 (1): 53–78. Illich, I. (1987) Disabling Professions, London, Boyars. Ishido, N. (2007) Risk toshite no Kyo¯iku–Shisutemu-ronteki Sekkin (Education as Risk–a systems theory approach), Tokyo, Sekaishiso¯sha. Ito, S. (1996) ‘“Kokoro no mondai” toshite no ijime mondai’ (The bullying problem as a ‘problem of the heart’), Kyo¯iku Shakai Gaku Kenkyu¯, 59: 21–37.
Arbitrary time-scales are chosen to show that a particular problem has ‘grown’ in magnitude to an alarming degree (see especially Chapters 3 and 5 for concrete examples). New sub-categories may be formulated, in order to distinguish supposedly more ‘deserving’ sub-categories within broadly ‘undeserving’ youth types: a sub-category of ‘NEETs who wish to work’ despite Making sense of youth problems 23 not actually looking for employment at a particular point in time was highlighted within the main NEET category – viewed generally as comprising lazy, workshy youth – in order to support the enactment of certain policy measures (Genda 2005: 143).