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By Sigmund Freud

Malaise dans los angeles civilisation (1931) et Considération actuelle sur l. a. guerre et l. a. mort (1915), les deux textes présentés ici dans leur model originale et dans une nouvelle traduction française, nous font découvrir un Freud « politique », qui réfléchit sur l. a. guerre et cherche à intégrer ces réflexions dans une recherche plus spécifiquement psychanalytique sur les motives permanentes des conflits en général.
Dans le texte de 1915, Freud déplore naturellement los angeles guerre en en montrant les effets dévastateurs sur l. a. tradition en général, mais il y voit aussi l. a. possibilité d’exprimer, passant outre les effets de censure, los angeles violence « primitive » des pulsions, qu’il est useless de vouloir constamment réprimer.

En 1931, Malaise dans los angeles civilisation marque l’intégration à l. a. théorie freudienne de los angeles thought de pulsion de mort, mise au jour par l. a. psychanalyste russe Sabina Spielrein. Si l. a. place qu’adopte Freud dans ce texte à l’égard de l. a. guerre imminente peut sembler fataliste, ce serait le trahir que de réduire son angle à l. a. résignation. Freud est convaincu que le consentement à los angeles guerre n’est pas simplement le fait de ceux qui vont se rendre coupables de los angeles déclencher, mais qu’il a des racines plus profondes et qu’il exerce ainsi de manière très insidieuse sa séduction sur de très vastes cercles. Il comprend aussi très vite ce que sera l’« esprit de Munich », dont il constate les prodromes dans les atermoiements de los angeles SDN.

Ces deux textes essentiels sont suivis d’une nouvelle traduction de los angeles lettre à Albert Einstein datée de 1933, intitulée Pourquoi los angeles guerre ?

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Thinking of populist leaders, if one sees them as therapists of the world, then they resemble those guru-like therapists who approach their patients with assumptions as to what constitutes wellbeing and how to achieve it. We know that those kinds of therapists are not working out of alterity and empathy at all, nor are populist leaders like Mrs Thatcher. They are not responding to the patient; they’re imposing something upon the patient out of their own systems of belief. Just as guru-therapists often get good results in the very short term, so, too, populist leaders seem to offer quick solutions to political problems.

But accepting that the political analyst has a countertransference to the problem she or he seeks to treat avoids the well-known self-deception that a so-called ‘objective’ analysis of politics is possible. An objective analysis of a political problem would, following the analogy I am working out, be equivalent to the worst kind of high-tech or highminded psychiatric approach. A similar failure to grasp the unconscious dimension of the treatment relationship between political analyst and political process marred much Marxist analysis of politics.

The concern and preoccupation with countertransference has reached a peak in Britain and Latin America, where it sometimes seems that analysis consists of nothing but an exploration of the countertransference. 10 The situation in France is different. 11 However, Lacan’s view of what happens dramatically oversimplifies the experience and practices of those who pioneered a revision of Freud’s methodological suggestions. Though the question of disclosure remains a pressing one, Lacan overlooks the issues of the level of the analyst’s disclosure and the work he or she might do on what is to be disclosed prior to communicating it.

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